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Then, on the other hand, medieval thought conceived the nation
as a community and pictured it as a body of which the king was
the head. It resembled those smaller bodies which it comprised
and of which it was in some sort composed. What we should regard
as the contrast between State and Corporation was hardly
visible. The "commune of the realm" differed rather in size and
power than in essence from the commune of a county or the
commune of a borough. And as the comitatus or county took
visible form in the comitatus or county court, so the realm took
visible form in a parliament. "Every one", said Thorpe C.J. in
1365, "is bound to know at once what is done in
Parliament, for Parliament represents the body of the whole
realm."
For a time it seems very possible, as we read the Year Books,
that so soon as lawyers begin to argue about the nature of
corporations or bodies politic and clearly to sever the Borough,
for example, from the sum of burgesses, they will definitely
grasp and formulate the very sound thought that the realm is "a
corporation aggregate of many". In 1522 Fineux C.J. after
telling how some corporations are made by the king, others by
the pope, others by both king and pope, adds that there are
corporations by the common law, for, says he, "the parliament of
the king and the lors and the commons are a corporation." What
is still lacking is the admission that the corporate
realm, besides being the wielder of public power, may also be
the "subject" of private rights, the owner of lands and
chattels. And this is the step that we have never yet formally
taken.
The portrait that Henry VIII painted of the body politic of
which he was the sovereign head will not
be forgotten:
Where by divers sundry old authentic histories and chronicles it
is manifestly declared and expressed that this realm of England
is an Empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, governed
by one supreme Head and King, having the dignity and royal
estate of the Imperial Crown of the same, unto whom a Body
Politick, compact of all sorts and degrees of people
and by names of Spirituality and Temporality been bounden, and
owen to bear, next to God, a natural and humble obedience...
It is stately stuff into which old thoughts and new are woven.
"The body spiritual" is henceforth to be conceived as "part of
the said body politick" which culminates in King Henry. The
medieval dualism of Church and State is at length transcended by
the majestic lord who broke the bonds of Rome. The frontispiece
of the Leviathan is already before our eyes. But, as for Hobbes,
so also for King Henry, the personality of the corporate body is
concentrated in and absorbed by the personality of its
monarchical head. His reign was not the time when the king's
lands could be severed from the nation's lands, the king's
wealth from the common wealth, or even the king's
power from the power of the State. The idea of a corporation
sole which was being prepared in the ecclesiastical sphere might
do good service here. Were not all Englishmen incorporated in
King Henry? Were not his acts and deeds the acts and deeds of
that body politic which was both Realm and Church?
A certain amount of disputation there was sure to be over land
acquired by the king in divers ways. Edward VI, not being yet of
the age of twenty-one years, purported to alienate land which
formed part of the duchy of Lancaster. Did this act fall within
the doctrine that the king can convey while he is an infant?
Land had been conveyed to Henry VII "and the heirs male of his
body lawfully begotten". Did this give him an estate tail or a
fee simple conditional? Could the head of a body politic beget
heirs? A few cases of this kind came before the Court soon after
the middle of the sixteenth century. In Plowden's reports of
these cases we may find much curious argumentation about the
king's two "bodies", and I do not know where to look in the
whole series of our law
books for so marvellous a display of metaphysical -- or we might
say metaphysiological -- nonsense.
Whether this sort of talk was really new about the year 1550, or
whether it had gone unreported until Plowden arose, it were not
easy to say; but the Year Books have not prepared us for it. Two
sentences may be enough to illustrate what I mean:
So that he [the king] has a body natural adorned and invested
with the estate and dignity royal, and he has not a body natural
distinct and divided by itself from the office and dignity
royal, but a body natural and a body politic together
indivisible, and these two bodies are incorporated in one person
and make one body and not divers, that is, the body corporate in
the body natural et e contra the body natural in the body
corporate. So that the body natural by the conjunction of the
body politic to it (which body politic contains the office,
government and majesty royal) is magnified and by the said
consolidation hath in it the body politic.
"Which faith", we are inclined to add, "except every man keep
whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall perish
everlastingly." However, a gleam of light seems sometimes to
penetrate the darkness. The thought that in one of his two
capacities the king is only the "head" of a corporation has not
been wholly suppressed.
The king has two capacities, for he has two bodies, the one
whereof is a body natural... the other is a body politic, and
the members thereof are his subjects, and he and his subjects
together compose
the corporation, as Southcote said, and he is incorporated with
them and they with him, and he is
the head and they are the members, and he has the sole
government of them.
Our Taxes
Crown as
Corporation - Page 1
Crown as Corporation - Page 3
Crown as Corporation - Page 4
Crown as Corporation - Page 5
Crown as Corporation - Page 6
Crown as Corporation - Page 7
Crown as Corporation - Page 8
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